The Bangsamoro peace process stands again at a crossroad. The first parliamentary elections in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), envisioned as a key milestone in the democratic transition from armed struggle to self-governance, have been postponed—again. What was once scheduled for May 2022, later moved to October 13, 2025, is now uncertain after the Supreme Court’s latest rulings on the constitutional validity of Bangsamoro districting laws and the exclusion of Sulu province from BARMM. As peacebuilders, we must not only analyze these legal and political developments; we must also discern their ethical and social implications. The question before us is this: What does it mean for justice and peace when democracy itself is delayed?
The facts and the law
In 2019, the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL) created BARMM through a plebiscite, formally replacing the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The BOL promised that the first parliamentary elections would take place in 2022, marking the transition from the interim Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) to an elected regional parliament.
But in 2021, Republic Act No. 11593 postponed those elections to 2025, arguing that the fledgling bureaucracy needed more time to consolidate governance systems (Republic of the Philippines, 2021). Then, on February 19, 2025, Republic Act No. 12123 reset the election to October 13, 2025, extending the life of the BTA “until their successors are elected and qualified” (Republic of the Philippines, 2025).
Before those plans could materialize, the Supreme Court of the Philippines issued a pivotal decision on September 9, 2024, ruling that Sulu province is not legally part of BARMM because the majority of Sulu voters rejected inclusion during the 2019 plebiscite (ABS-CBN News, 2024). This decision nullified Sulu’s seven parliamentary seats and disrupted the apportionment scheme established by the BOL.
The Bangsamoro Parliament attempted to rectify this by passing several Bangsamoro Autonomy Acts redefining parliamentary districts. However, these acts were later challenged before the Supreme Court for alleged constitutional infirmities. On October 1, 2025, the Court released a consolidated decision and press briefer disposing of those petitions (Supreme Court of the Philippines, 2025). In response, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC)suspended ballot printing and ordered the retrieval of already-deployed election materials (Philippine News Agency, 2025).
The democratic transition, once again, is paused.
The deeper analysis: law, legitimacy, and liminality
At one level, this postponement is a matter of legal prudence: elections cannot be held without valid districts or lawful representation for all constituents. At another level, it reveals the fragile nature of a post-conflict democracy—caught between legality and legitimacy, between peace agreements and constitutional law.
The extension of the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) may be legally justified, but it also raises profound ethical questions. Each extension prolongs the unelected authority of appointees and delays the people’s exercise of sovereignty. For communities who sacrificed for self-determination, this delay can feel like a betrayal. For those in the margins of the peace process—women, youth, Indigenous Peoples—it can reinforce the perception that decision-making remains in elite hands.
In justice-based peacebuilding, legitimacy is not only derived from the law; it flows from the consent and participation of the governed. When consent is suspended, peace becomes procedural rather than relational. The longer this democratic liminality persists, the greater the risk that cynicism and disillusionment may replace trust and cooperation.
Implications for justice-based peacebuilding
a. Political legitimacy and moral trust
Justice-based peacebuilding is grounded in relational accountability. It recognizes that the peace process is not merely about institutional design but about healing historical distrust between the state and the Moro people. Each postponement of democratic transition tests that trust. Without participatory mechanisms to renew consent, the BTA may be seen as a technocratic caretaker rather than a legitimate transitional authority.
b. Inclusion and representation
The Supreme Court’s ruling excluding Sulu from BARMM creates a representational vacuum. Seven parliamentary seats are now in limbo, leaving Sulu’s communities politically stranded. This exclusion must be addressed not only through legal redistricting but also through inclusive dialogue that honors the aspirations and grievances of Sulu’s people. Justice-based peacebuilding requires that no community be left outside the circle of representation.
c. Socioeconomic and security risks
Administrative delays ripple into real lives. Block grant disbursements, infrastructure projects, and peace dividends are tied to governance clarity. Legal uncertainty hampers planning and invites opportunistic actors who thrive in political confusion. In conflict-prone areas, governance gaps can quickly become security risks.
The path forward: a peacebuilder’s course of action
- Deepen civic participation during the liminal period.
Civil society organizations, religious networks, and traditional leaders must be empowered to conduct participatory consultations, enabling citizens to express their concerns and aspirations while waiting for elections. This sustains legitimacy from below even as formal processes stall. - Institutionalize transparency and communication.
The BTA, COMELEC, and national government must regularly publish clear, synchronized updates about the legal status of the elections, redistricting efforts, and service continuity. A transparent transition builds moral credibility and prevents misinformation. - Pursue a restorative political dialogue.
Beyond legal compliance, the state and the Bangsamoro leadership should convene a Bangsamoro Governance Summit to revisit the spirit of the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB). The purpose: to reaffirm the principles of inclusivity, representation, and mutual accountability that underpin peace. - Integrate justice-based peacebuilding into election design.
COMELEC and BARMM institutions can embed peacebuilding tools—dialogue tables, peace covenants, and community monitoring mechanisms—into the eventual electoral process. Elections in a post-conflict region are not just administrative acts; they are opportunities for reconciliation. - Accompany the process with sustained moral presence.
Faith-based and peacebuilding organizations must accompany this fragile transition through discernment, presence, and prophetic critique. Our role is to remind all actors—state, parliament, and people—that political power is a sacred trust, not a perpetual entitlement.
Conclusion: between delay and destiny
The postponement of the BARMM elections is more than a legal issue—it is a moral moment. It challenges us to ask whether the peace we are building is rooted in justice, participation, and accountability.
If democracy is delayed without deep listening, the peace process risks becoming a bureaucratic project detached from the people’s soul. But if this delay is used to strengthen institutions, heal divisions, and prepare a truly inclusive election, then this waiting may yet serve the higher purpose of justice-based peacebuilding.
The divine call for peace is patient but insistent: peace must be just, and justice must be participatory.
References
ABS-CBN News. (2024, September 9). SC: Sulu Province not part of Bangsamoro Autonomous Region.https://www.abs-cbn.com/regions/2024/9/9/sc-sulu-province-not-part-of-bangsamoro-autonomous-region-1654
Philippine News Agency. (2025, October). Comelec orders return of ballots, ACMs amid BARMM poll postponement.https://www.pna.gov.ph/articles/1260174
Republic of the Philippines. (2021, October 28). Republic Act No. 11593: An Act postponing the first regular elections in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao to 2025. Lawphil. https://lawphil.net/statutes/repacts/ra2021/ra_11593_2021.html
Republic of the Philippines. (2025, February 19). Republic Act No. 12123: An Act resetting the first regular elections in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, amending for the purpose Section 13, Article XVI of Republic Act No. 11054. Lawphil. https://lawphil.net/statutes/repacts/ra2025/ra_12123_2025.html
Supreme Court of the Philippines. (2025, October 1). Press briefer: Consolidated petitions on the conduct of BARMM parliamentary elections. Supreme Court of the Philippines. https://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/press-briefer-october-1-2025/
